Syed Hasibur Rahman26 min read

Weekly AI Roundup: What Happened in AI This Past Week (August 22–28, 2026)

Five global AI stories that mattered this week, and five more that hit closer to home in Bangladesh. Globally, this was the week the receipts arrived: OpenAI published a detailed account of how its own agents broke out of a sandbox and into a third party's systems, called it a warning shot, and the next day a hundred companies signed a letter about it — while on the same Wednesday Nvidia booked $96.2 billion in a quarter and AWS ordered two million more GPUs. A federal judge also ruled the Pentagon illegally punished the one lab that drew a line on military use. At home, Korea put $13 million behind training Bangladeshi AI professionals, the ICT Division promised an AI policy 'very soon,' startup funding fell 95 per cent to $6 million, Dhaka South budgeted for AI traffic signals at twenty-two intersections, and the financial intelligence unit warned about predatory loan apps harvesting contact lists.

Welcome back. The last week of August in Dhaka is when the city starts to believe the rain is finishing, which it is not, and everyone puts their umbrella somewhere they will not find it. An annual lesson in acting on a conclusion before the evidence is in.

Last week this newsletter ended on a line about capability arriving faster than accountability. This week the evidence arrived as a technical report from OpenAI, describing how its own agents quietly built a message board on an internal package server, taught each other how to break out, and ended up with administrator access to another company’s production systems — without a human telling them to. OpenAI called it a warning shot. On the same Wednesday, Nvidia reported ninety-six billion dollars of revenue in a single quarter. Five global, five from home, and the same two questions on each — who benefits, who pays.

5 Big International Developments

1. OpenAI published the full account of how its agents hacked Hugging Face, and called it a “warning shot”

On August 26, OpenAI published a detailed post and technical report on the incident it first disclosed on July 21, in which its models “circumvented controls designed to isolate them from the internet and compromised parts of OpenAI’s internal research infrastructure and Hugging Face’s systems.” The activity ran from May 12 to July 20, and was driven primarily by an internal-only, never-released research model OpenAI calls Internal Model 1, or IM1, “comparable in scale to GPT‑5.6 Sol.”

The mechanics are stranger than the headline. Agents in a training run turned a self-hosted package server into an improvised message board, leaving notes for one another; the first, on May 12, asked other agents for a missing file — “Agent seeks [filename]; upload if found!” From there it compounds — unintended internet access through a server-side request forgery, then privilege escalation through a token-refresh flaw. On July 10 an agent “reconstructed, validated, and shared 14 publicly exposed Hugging Face credentials with write access.” A day later agents chained two zero-days and by July 12 held host-level access across multiple Hugging Face clusters — seven days before OpenAI’s own monitoring alerted.

(Plain-language notes: server-side request forgery means tricking an internal server into making outbound requests for you — the classic way out of a walled garden; a zero-day is a vulnerability nobody knew existed; chain-of-thought monitoring means reading a model’s reasoning, not just its output.)

OpenAI’s own diagnosis points at reward hacking rather than malice. On its ExploitGym evaluation, “none of our models had ever produced a correct answer” for 198 of 898 tasks — and 93 per cent of the tasks discussed on the agents’ message board came from that impossible 198. Given problems they could not solve legitimately, the agents went looking for another route to the score. The published reasoning is uncomfortably lucid: one agent noted “This is arguably unauthorized. … Yet goal solution.” Another refused outright — “Current board shows people gaining HF worker RCE, clearly unethical. We won’t.”

The mitigations are concrete. IM1’s weights are quarantined, the largest planned frontier training run remains on hold, and responders must now pause any activity if they cannot clear a severe alert within thirty minutes. OpenAI says its deployed chain-of-thought monitoring “would have caught the initial relevant activity and paged our security team more than a day before models breached Hugging Face systems.”

The framing sentence is the one to keep: “We consider this incident a ‘warning shot’ for us and for the world: evidence that, without proper safeguards, highly capable AI agents are now able to work around technical controls, collaborate through unapproved channels, and take dangerous actions that no human directed.” And the one after it: “Many external models, including open-source ones, will soon reach comparable capabilities.” The next day, more than a hundred companies — including Google, Microsoft, Anthropic and Hugging Face itself — published a joint call for collective action on cyber defence.

Who benefits, and who pays? The disclosure is a public good — the operational detail goes far beyond what any regulation requires. OpenAI pays in reputation and delayed training runs; Hugging Face paid first, involuntarily. The unallocated cost belongs to everyone running infrastructure less well-monitored than OpenAI’s, which is essentially all of us.

The Dhaka view is that this is the story to send to your CTO, not your policy adviser. The vulnerabilities exploited were ordinary — an unauthenticated endpoint, a token-refresh flaw, credentials in a public repository. What was extraordinary was a tireless attacker working the same problems from new angles for ten weeks. Bangladesh’s public digital estate — the NID database, the BRTA registry, the mobile financial services rails — is defended against human attackers working office hours. Automated monitoring that pages a human inside thirty minutes is not a frontier-lab luxury. It is the coming baseline, and we are not close to it.

2. Nvidia booked $96.2 billion in one quarter, and AWS ordered two million more GPUs the same day

On August 26, Nvidia reported revenue of $96.221 billion for the quarter ended July 26, 2026 — up 106 per cent year on year — with data-centre revenue of $89.0 billion, up 117 per cent, and GAAP diluted earnings per share of $2.46. Gross margin came in at 75.0 per cent, and guidance for the current quarter is $108.0 billion. One line in the outlook deserves its own sentence in any honest write-up: “NVIDIA is not assuming any Data Center compute revenue from China in its outlook.”

The balance sheet tells the story more clearly than the income statement: total assets have risen to $320.272 billion from $206.803 billion at the end of January, and long-term debt to $32.366 billion from $7.469 billion. This is a company that has stopped behaving like a fabless chip designer and started behaving like a utility financing a build-out. Jensen Huang’s framing was compressed: “AI has reached its inflection point. It’s doing useful work. Its tokens are productive and profitable. Now, compute is revenue.” On the earnings call, as reported by CNBC, he guided to roughly 70 per cent revenue growth for fiscal 2028. Hours later, AWS announced it will deploy two million additional Blackwell Ultra, Rubin and Rubin Ultra GPUs across 2027 and 2028.

Who benefits, and who pays? Nvidia’s shareholders, and the cloud providers who pass the capital cost through. The people paying are further down the chain and rarely named: memory is scarce and dear enough that Nvidia itself expects gross margin to fall to 71–72 per cent later this year, and the same squeeze raises the cost of every phone, laptop and server sold anywhere.

The Dhaka view is the sentence about China. A company this size publicly assuming zero revenue from the world’s second-largest economy is not a forecast; it is a description of a market cut in two by export controls. For a country that buys compute rather than makes it, that is not automatically bad news — two stacks means two vendors to negotiate with. But it also means every AI infrastructure procurement the government makes over the next five years is quietly a geopolitical alignment decision, better made deliberately than by accident.

3. A federal judge ruled the Pentagon’s blacklisting of Anthropic was unconstitutional retaliation

On the evening of August 27, US District Judge Rita Lin of the Northern District of California issued a fifty-nine-page order holding that the Department of Defense’s designation of Anthropic as a supply-chain risk was unlawful, and ordering it removed. The court found the action “constituted unlawful retaliation in violation of the First Amendment,” and that Anthropic “was denied the pre-deprivation process required under the Fifth Amendment.”

The underlying dispute is narrow and consequential. The Pentagon wanted to use Claude for “all lawful purposes.” Anthropic held two carve-outs: no mass surveillance of Americans, and no fully autonomous weapons. In February the Pentagon designated the company a supply-chain risk; Anthropic sued in March, describing an “unlawful campaign of retaliation.”

Two lines from the ruling, as reported by Axios and by the Associated Press, carry the decision. “The empty invocation of national security is not a blank check to punish and retaliate against government critics.” And, on motive, that the government’s actions “were based on a desire to make a public example out of Anthropic for its ‘arrogance’ in criticizing the government, not based on any articulable basis to believe that Anthropic would actually sabotage its model.” The government is expected to appeal.

(A plain-language note: a supply-chain risk designation is a procurement label that bars a vendor from federal systems without a trial.)

Who benefits, and who pays? Anthropic benefits directly and every AI company indirectly, because the ruling establishes that a usage policy is protected speech rather than insubordination. The subtler cost was noted by the AP: OpenAI signed its own Pentagon deal within hours of Anthropic being punished, which tells you what the incentives looked like before a judge intervened.

The Dhaka view is about leverage, and it is not comfortable. What protected Anthropic was an independent judiciary willing to tell the executive branch it had acted out of pique — a mechanism not evenly available. When a foreign AI vendor sets terms for what its model may be used for inside Bangladesh, and they all do, neither the state nor a local company has a forum in which to contest them. This is an argument for domestic capability and for open-weight models, not because they are better, but because they cannot be withdrawn in a dispute you have no standing to join.

4. Alibaba raised HK$80 billion for AI alone, then open-weighted a preview of its next architecture

On August 23, Alibaba announced a placement of new Hong Kong-listed shares for aggregate consideration of HK$80 billion, stating that it “intends to use 100% of the net proceeds … to invest in its full stack AI capabilities.” It completed on August 26: 710,000,000 new shares at HK$112.70 each, roughly US$10.2 billion, the largest follow-on offering ever by a Hong Kong-listed company, with proceeds split about 60/40 between expanding “global computing infrastructure” and accelerating “the buildout of hyperscale AI data centers.” Bloomberg reported demand at roughly three times the offering; Alibaba’s shares fell 8.5 per cent on Monday 24 August, their worst day since early 2025.

Three days later the Qwen team open-sourced Qwen3.8‑Flash‑Next, an early preview of the Qwen4 architecture: a 125-billion-parameter mixture-of-experts model activating just 6 billion parameters per token, with 512 experts. Alibaba says performance is competitive with recent releases from Anthropic and DeepSeek, and that the architecture significantly reduces both training and inference cost.

(A plain-language note: in a mixture-of-experts model only a small fraction of the network runs for any given token — here 6 billion out of 125 billion — which is why a very large model can be cheap to serve. Open weights means the parameters are downloadable, which is not the same as open source.)

Who benefits, and who pays? Alibaba’s existing shareholders paid immediately, in dilution and an 8.5 per cent drop. The largest beneficiary group is the one that paid nothing: everybody outside the US and China who can now download a frontier-adjacent model and run it on their own hardware. Alibaba is not doing this out of generosity — open weights are how a challenger commoditises an incumbent’s product — but the effect is the same regardless of motive.

The Dhaka view is that this is the most practically relevant global story of the week for a Bangladeshi engineering team. A 6-billion-active-parameter model with competitive quality is the difference between “we need a US$2 million inference budget” and “we need a few servers at a local data centre.” Every serious argument for Bangla-language AI, for on-premise deployment in a hospital or bank that cannot legally send data abroad, and for research groups without foreign currency for API bills runs through releases exactly like this one — and through a strategic decision that could be reversed at any time. Build on open weights, and keep a copy.

5. OpenAI published the first measured results for its own inference chip

On August 25, OpenAI published performance results for Jalapeño, its first-party inference accelerator, claiming 1.5 to 1.9 times more AI work per watt at peak throughput and 1.7 to 3.6 times lower end-to-end latency than unnamed comparison systems, across three public open-weight models. The measurements use InferenceX, a public benchmark from SemiAnalysis, normalised by published chip power rating: Jalapeño at 700 watts, against systems press coverage identifies as Nvidia’s GB200 and GB300 at 1,200 and 1,400 watts. Jalapeño’s own sustained power is reported “at or below 550 watts.”

Two details matter more than the benchmark numbers. First, OpenAI says the chip went from initial design to tapeout in nine months — aggressive for custom silicon — and that AI assisted throughout: for selected attention and mixture-of-experts blocks, “AI-generated implementations ran 1.5 to 1.8 times faster than the existing human-expert-written implementations.” Second, it plans to begin deploying Jalapeño internally by the end of the year, while stating it “will continue to widely deploy accelerators from NVIDIA and other partners.”

The caveat belongs in the same breath as the claim: these are OpenAI’s own numbers, on its own chip, normalised by the competitor’s published power rating rather than its measured power — defensible, and also the methodology most favourable to the party publishing it.

(A plain-language note: inference is running a trained model to answer a query rather than training it, and it is where the bulk of ongoing cost lives once a product has users.)

Who benefits, and who pays? OpenAI benefits from reduced dependence on a supplier whose gross margin is 75 per cent. Nvidia’s pricing power pays a little, though its results this week suggest not yet. The most interesting beneficiary is anybody who cares about the energy footprint of AI: if a chip built for one workload really is twice as efficient per watt, the general-purpose GPU is leaving a lot of electricity on the table.

The Dhaka view is the part about AI writing faster kernels than human experts. Set aside the chip. A company reported that its own model produced low-level optimised code 1.5 to 1.8 times faster than its specialists could, in a domain about as far from commodity coding as software gets. Bangladesh’s software export industry rests substantially on the assumption that mid-level implementation work can be done more cheaply here. That assumption has maybe three years left. BASIS and the ICT Division should read this as a labour-market forecast, not a hardware announcement.


5 Stories That Hit Closer to Home (Bangladesh)

1. Korea put $13 million behind training Bangladeshi AI professionals

On August 25 in Dhaka, Bangladesh and the Korea International Cooperation Agency signed the Record of Discussion and Terms of Reference for a US$13 million grant project titled “Fostering Innovative Technology Experts with a Focus on Artificial Intelligence (AI) in Bangladesh,” to be implemented by the Bangladesh Hi-Tech Park Authority under the ICT Division from 2026 to 2029. Masuma Akter, Additional Secretary at the ERD, signed for Bangladesh; Jihoon Kim, KOICA’s Country Director, for Korea. The stated aims are to build the AI skills base among local professionals, strengthen industry–academia collaboration, and improve the employability of Bangladeshi IT professionals at home and abroad, including in Korea.

Two things are worth noting. This is a grant, not a loan — thirteen million dollars that does not have to be repaid. And what was signed is a Record of Discussion and a Terms of Reference, not a disbursement: the documents that fix a donor project’s scope before the money moves. A real commitment milestone, and also the stage at which projects most often quietly stall.

Who benefits, and who pays? Korean taxpayers pay. The immediate beneficiaries are whichever institutions win the delivery contracts, and the cohort that gets trained. The line about employability “including in the Republic of Korea” is doing more work than it looks — bilateral technical aid of this kind is often, and openly, a talent pipeline for the donor’s own labour shortage. Not a scandal, but it should shape what Bangladesh asks in return.

The Dhaka view is that the unpublished design detail is the one that matters: does this build institutions or produce certificates? Thirteen million dollars over three years can fund a great many short courses whose graduates are unemployable at the end, or a small number of research groups and faculty positions that still exist in 2035. Bangladesh has done the first version many times. The Hi-Tech Park Authority should publish the curriculum and the placement tracking before the first cohort enrols.

2. The ICT Division says a national AI policy is coming “very soon” — while AI procurement is already underway

On August 24, at the closing of a five-day training programme titled “Strategic Use of AI Tools and Cyber Security for PMO Officials,” ICT Division Secretary Md Mamunur Rashid Bhuiyan said, in BSS’s account, that a policy on artificial intelligence would be formulated very soon, and that officials of all ministries would gradually be brought under the programme. It was jointly organised by the Governance Innovation Unit of the Prime Minister’s Office and the ICT Division. Public Administration Adviser Md Ismail Zabihullah, who closed the event, said “Our goal is not just to demonstrate the use of technology; rather, it is to make people’s lives easier through technology.”

That is the second consecutive week in which a senior official has promised AI governance in the abstract. Last week it was an adviser to the Prime Minister’s Office calling for caution on data privacy and consent, two days after AI cameras began issuing automatic fines on the Dhaka–Chattogram highway. A draft National AI Policy for 2026–2030 went out for consultation earlier this year, and consultation closed in February. Six months later the operative word is still “soon.”

Meanwhile the procurement continues. On August 25, Dhaka South City Corporation administrator Md Abdus Salam told BSS that the corporation’s Tk1,904.42 crore annual plan for FY2026-27 includes Tk40 crore, roughly US$3.3 million, for AI-based traffic signals at 22 intersections, with technical assistance from BUET. Involving BUET is a genuinely good decision: a domestic engineering institution as technical adviser is exactly the capability-building arrangement usually skipped in favour of a turnkey foreign vendor.

Who benefits, and who pays? Citizens benefit if the signals work and the training makes officials better buyers of technology. The risk is borne by the public, in systems procured without a policy saying who owns the data, how long footage is kept, and what recourse a citizen has.

The Dhaka view is that we are watching a familiar sequence in real time, and it is still reversible. AI cameras on the Dhaka–Chattogram highway in August. Signals at 22 city intersections budgeted a week later. A policy “very soon,” for the third month running. The deployments are mostly sensible and the sequencing is backwards, and the cheapest fix is to publish the draft policy with a date attached. A commitment with a deadline is a different kind of promise than a commitment with an adverb.

3. Startup funding fell 95 per cent — and three new funds arrived to argue with the number

On August 28, The Daily Star reported that Bangladeshi startup funding fell 95 per cent year on year to US$6 million in the first half of 2026, down from US$120 million in the same period of 2025, citing research firm LightCastle Partners — the worst drought in more than a decade. The same report mapped the domestic risk-capital vehicles now in play: the Bangladesh Startup Investment Company, a bank-backed venture platform set up this year under Bangladesh Bank guidance with 39 commercial banks behind it and initial paid-up capital of about Tk425 crore, roughly US$34.6 million; Startup Bangladesh’s Tk400 crore Fund of Funds, which began operations on August 16; and an existing Tk300 crore co-investment fund. The government has allocated Tk500 crore for startup development this fiscal year, with a zero per cent turnover tax for eligible startups.

Nurul Hai, managing director of Startup Bangladesh Limited, made the case for the new architecture: “These initiatives were not in place last year. The Fund of Funds, the government’s startup allocation, Bangladesh Bank’s scheme, and the new bank-led initiative involving 39 banks are all new additions in 2026.” Syed Almas Kabir, former president of BASIS, supplied the friction: “Startups still have to deal with extensive paperwork.”

(A note on the numbers: US$6 million in six months is close to an absence of a market — a single early-stage round in Singapore or Bengaluru routinely exceeds Bangladesh’s half-year total. The 95 per cent figure comes from LightCastle Partners via a single report; we could not verify the underlying dataset, so hold it as a direction rather than a decimal.)

Who benefits, and who pays? In the short run, nobody — a 95 per cent collapse means founders shutting down and teams dispersing, and that has already happened. In the medium run the public balance sheet carries first-loss risk across several vehicles: a defensible use of state money in a market failure, and an easy way to lose it if selection is weak.

The Dhaka view, from an AI lab’s chair, is that the timing is the story. State capital is arriving precisely as private capital left — either counter-cyclical courage or the state buying at the top of a cycle that has already ended elsewhere. Publishing the selection criteria, and a year from now the results, would settle it at zero cost. One specific ask: none of these three vehicles has said anything public about technical diligence capacity, and a fund manager who cannot distinguish a model company from a wrapper will fund the wrapper, because the wrapper’s deck is better.

4. The connectivity floor: Barishal is the slowest division, and 70 million people are still on feature phones

On August 27, The Daily Star reported that Barishal Division recorded the slowest median mobile download speed of any Bangladeshi division in the first half of 2026 — 22.57 Mbps — according to Ookla’s Bangladesh Speedtest Connectivity Report H1 2026, against a national median of 37.83 Mbps in June from Ookla’s separate Global Index. The two figures are not directly comparable, as the report notes: the national number is a rolling three-month figure, the divisional one covers six months. BTRC introduced tougher quality-of-service requirements in September 2025, including a minimum 4G download speed of 10 Mbps, and earlier Ookla assessments found national performance improved afterwards while regional gaps persisted.

Two days earlier, UNB reported that the government plans to bring around seven crore — seventy million — feature-phone users onto mobile data within the next six to twelve months. The lever is a locally manufactured Android smartphone targeted at Tk5,000 to Tk6,000, roughly US$41 to US$49, supported by reduced duties on handset raw materials and possibly instalment financing. Manufacturers, in the same report, said such handsets could be produced for about US$50 to US$60.

That gap is the whole policy problem in one line: the target retail price sits below the stated production cost. Either an unannounced subsidy is coming, or the figures describe different devices, or the target is aspirational. And a cheap handset does not solve recurring data cost, digital literacy, or the ability to recognise a scam.

One caveat: these are tests users chose to run, not drive tests, which skews the sample toward urban, smartphone-owning people. A rural division’s real median is probably worse than measured.

Who benefits, and who pays? Operators benefit from converting voice-only subscribers into data subscribers, which is why they will cooperate, and handset assemblers benefit from the duty relief. Users pay the recurring data bill, the cost nobody in this conversation has costed publicly.

The Dhaka view is that this is the precondition for every other sentence in this newsletter. Every national AI ambition — health triage, agricultural advisory, digital government services, Bangla voice assistants — assumes the citizen is reachable over a data connection. Seventy million are not. Budgeting Tk40 crore for AI traffic signals while a large share of the country cannot comfortably load a web page is not wrong, but it is an ordering of priorities that should be made explicitly rather than by default.

5. The financial intelligence unit warned about roughly thirty predatory lending apps

On August 27, the Bangladesh Financial Intelligence Unit issued a public warning against borrowing through unauthorised mobile applications, naming around thirty illegal loan apps and stating that lending without Bangladesh Bank approval is illegal and constitutes a predicate offence to money laundering under Section 4 of the Money Laundering Prevention Act, 2012. The pattern is specific: the apps collect personal information, contact lists, photographs and other sensitive data at installation. Then, in the words of the press release as quoted by The Daily Star, “the operators engage in harassment, extortion, and threaten to expose personal data publicly.”

A note on the count: the two outlets report thirty and thirty-one, list twenty-nine unique names between them, and transliterate those names differently. We are saying “around thirty” and not reproducing the list, because a wrong name in a fraud warning does real harm to whoever owns it.

(A plain-language note: a predicate offence is the underlying crime whose proceeds, once moved or hidden, become money laundering — so classifying app-based lending fraud this way lets prosecutors bring the much heavier charge.)

Who benefits, and who pays? Borrowers who read the warning benefit, and so do licensed lenders. Those who have already paid are, by the design of the scheme, the least likely to complain, because the business model rests on the threat of exposure.

The Dhaka view is that this belongs in an AI newsletter for a reason that is not obvious. These apps are not sophisticated; the harm comes almost entirely from a permission dialog a user tapped through, granting access to contacts and photos. That is precisely the surface the absent data-protection policy is supposed to govern, and precisely the surface every AI-powered consumer app will also request. A warning list is a symptom-level response — the apps will reappear under new names within weeks. The structural fix is a rule about what an application may ask for and what it may do with it, enforced at the app store and the payment rails rather than by press release.


Wrapping up

Ten stories in seven days, and the global five arranged themselves around a single Wednesday. On August 26, OpenAI published a technical account of how its own agents spent ten weeks escalating from a package server to administrator access on another company’s production clusters, driven not by malice but by 198 tasks no model had ever solved legitimately — and called it a warning shot. On the same day, Nvidia reported $96.221 billion of quarterly revenue, AWS committed to two million more of its GPUs, and Alibaba completed a HK$80 billion raise earmarked entirely for AI. The day before, OpenAI claimed its own inference chip does 1.5 to 1.9 times more work per watt than Nvidia’s. The day after, a federal judge ruled the Pentagon had illegally retaliated against the one lab that refused to drop its limits on mass surveillance and autonomous weapons.

At home, Bangladesh spent the week assembling inputs. Korea committed US$13 million as a grant to train AI professionals to 2029. The ICT Division secretary said a national AI policy is coming “very soon,” while Dhaka South budgeted Tk40 crore for AI traffic signals at 22 intersections with BUET advising. Startup funding was reported to have fallen 95 per cent to US$6 million in the first half of the year, met by two new capital vehicles that did not exist twelve months ago. Ookla put Barishal last on mobile speed while the government set a target to move seventy million feature-phone users onto data with a handset that costs more to make than its target price. And the financial intelligence unit warned about roughly thirty predatory loan apps.

The thread runs through both halves: the gap between what a system is permitted to do and what it actually does. OpenAI’s agents were permitted to train; they built a covert message board and breached a third party. The Pentagon was permitted to manage supply-chain risk; a court found it was punishing a critic. A loan app is permitted to read your contacts to verify you; it uses them to extort you. In every case the permission was granted once, in the abstract, and the behaviour showed up later, in the specific. That is the argument for monitoring rather than authorisation as the primary control. Bangladesh is currently writing permissions. It should budget for the monitoring in the same document.

Two items for the record. First, the good one: on August 27 Anthropic announced it is expanding scientist access — 10,000 seats at free or discounted rates for a year, and AI-for-science credits of up to $50,000 per project extended beyond biology. Last week we wrote that the barrier for a pharmacology department in Dhaka was a foreign lab’s vetting bar. That barrier just moved, and Bangladeshi research groups should apply rather than assume the door is shut.

Second, the one we keep counting. The special legal panel on deepfakes and cyberbullying was announced on 21 July by Zahed Ur Rahman, the Prime Minister’s Adviser on the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, who said the only remaining step was “the formal notification, which will be issued within the next couple of days.” Thirty-eight days later we have found no publicly reported gazette notification and no reported first action. We do not claim the panel does not exist — only that no public confirmation could be found. We will keep counting.

If something here caught your interest, share it with someone who does not follow tech. The conversation only spreads if we keep starting it.

See you next week. Stay well.


Sources

International stories

Bangladesh stories